Folha de S. Paulo - Wikipedia. Folha de S. Paulo, also known as Folha de S. In company with O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo, Folha is regarded as one of the most influential daily news vehicles in Brazil. Among daily newspapers, Folha has also the news website with the largest number of visitors. Um rosto proibido desde que crescera. Dominava as paisagens no modo ativo de agrupar frutos e os comia nas. PEIXOTO DA SILVA Pastor Evang It was an evening newspaper, with a project that privileged shorter, clearer articles, focusing more on news than on opinion, and a positioning closer to the themes that affected the daily life of the paulistanos (S. The paper was competing against O Estado de S. Paulo the leading newspaper in the city, which represented rural moneyed interests and took on a conservative, traditional and rigid posture; Folha was always more responsive to societal needs. Also in 1. 92. 5, Folha da Manh. Juca Pato was supposed to represent the Average Joe, and served as a vehicle for ironic criticism of political and economic problems, always repeating the tagline . Pela primeira vez desde 1937, o Tribunal de Contas da UniGISELE LEITE* O texto aprovado pelo Senado Federal brasileiro tem objetivo de se introduzir, no ordenamento jur The company was involved in founding the Democratic Party, an opposition group. However, in 1. 92. Olival Costa, by then sole proprietor of the Folhas, mended his fences with the S. Paulo, a major supporter for the 1. The newspaper's director, J. Diferente da maioria dos outros carros, o projeto do Fusca envolveu. Filmes VHS usados de v. Os filmes em fitas de VHS que encontrar ANTONIO ALVES DA SILVA nasceu em Mata de S. A 10 de novembro de 1937, Get With its main rival muzzled, Folha da Manh. Matarazzo financed the purchase of new, modern printing presses and saw the investment as a way to respond to the attacks he suffered from newspapers owned by his business rival Assis Chateaubriand. One of the weapons he developed for this battle was reducing the sales price of the Folhas in order to suffocate the business of Di. However, the ploy backfired. Nabantino Ramos balanced those losses against the Count's initial financing and, some months later, declared that the company's debt to Matarazzo was fully paid and took over editorial control of the papers. In the early 1. 96. The three newspapers were merged under a new title, Folha de S. Paulo, in 1. 96. 0, but initially the morning, afternoon and evening editions were kept. However, with a worsening financial situation, only the morning edition survived. Things deteriorated further in 1. That meant additional costs for the paper. On 1. 3 August 1. Octavio Frias de Oliveira and Carlos Caldeira Filho. Pluralism and leadership. Frias chose scientist Jos. Abramo would take Reis' place and form a productive working partnership with Frias that extended for more than 2. In 1. 96. 4, Folha de S. Paulo supported the coup that overthrew President Jo. The company bought new printing presses and equipment in the United States. In 1. 96. 8, Folha became the first Latin- American newspaper to adopt the offset printing system. In 1. 97. 1, it pioneered a new innovation: lead typesetting was replaced by cold composition. The newspaper's circulation was improving and its share in the advertising market was growing. However, Caldeira didn't like the TV business and the partners sold their TV companies in 1. The early 1. 97. 0s were a turbulent period for Folha. Accused by guerrilla groups of lending vehicles to the military regime repressive apparatus, Folha became a target for guerrilla action. Guerrilla groups intercepted and burned three of Folha's delivery vans, two in September and one in October 1. Octavio Frias de Oliveira responded with a first page editorial entitled . That was followed by an article on the news bulletin of ALN, a guerrilla group, in which Frias was classified as an enemy of the organization and Brazil. The bad blood between the newspaper and the left wing groups deepened and reached a climax with the editorial . The editorial was also a response to rival . The editorial claimed: . One week later, the newspaper suspended its editorials. Later that same year, Cl. At the same time, it put effort into news areas that were not well covered in Brazil up to that time, like business news, sports, education and services. Folha supported the concept of a political opening and opened its pages to all opinion trends, and its news coverage adopted a more critical stance. Abramo reformulated the newspaper and led the first of many graphic reforms that would follow, in 1. Janio de Freitas, Paulo Francis, Tarso de Castro, Glauber Rocha, Flavio Rangel, Alberto Dines, Mino Carta, Osvaldo Peralva, Luiz Alberto Bahia and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Contrary to some expectations, this editorial posture was preserved and developed by Casoy during his tenure (1. In 1. 98. 3/1. 98. Folha was the main bastion for the Diretas J. A series of documents circulated periodically, defining the newspaper's editorial project as part of the so- called Projeto Folha, implemented in the newsroom under the supervision of Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva and Caio T. The guidelines for Projeto Folha require critical, nonpartisan and pluralistic news coverage. Those principles also guide the Newsroom Manual, first released in 1. More than a style guide, it serves as a guide to the rules and commitments Folha works under. It was the first publication of its kind to be made available to the general public. The guidelines stipulate that Folha's journalism should be descriptive and accurate, but that themes that cause controversy can admit to more than one viewpoint and require a pluralistic treatment. Folha also became known for its highly diverse selection of columnists. At the same time, checks and balances were instituted through internal controls: the Manual, the daily . Otavio Frias Filho was sued, with three of Folha's reporters, by then President Fernando Collor. Although Folha expressed support for Collor's liberalizing economic views, it was the first publication to appeal for his impeachment, which finally came in 1. The newspaper's coverage about the administrations of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) and Luiz In. In 1. 99. 5, one year after reaching the landmark of one million copies for its Sunday edition, the company put into operation its new printing center, seen as the most technologically advanced in Latin- America. The company's circulation and sales record was set in 1. Folha's executive editors since 1. Matinas Suzuki (1. Eleonora de Lucena (2. S. In 1. 97. 1, the newspaper replaced lead typesetting with the first cold composition system in Brazil. In 1. 98. 3, when its first computer terminals were installed, it became the first computerized newsroom in South America. In 1. 98. 4, Folha launched its first newsroom manual; those books would in time become valuable reference works for students and journalists. The manual was updated in new editions launched in 1. In 1. 98. 9, Folha became the first Brazilian media vehicle to appoint an ombudsman, charged with receiving, evaluating and forwarding complaints by the readers, and to present critical comments both about Folha and other media vehicles. Nine journalists have occupied this position since then: Caio T. In February 2. 01. Suzana Singer was appointed to the position. In 1. 99. 5, when the Folha Printing and Technology Center started operations in Tambor. Front Page, Opinion (comprehending the former Trends/Debates and Reader Panel sections), Panel, Power and World. B. Market (including the Open Market column)C. City, Health, Science, Folha Corrida. D. Ilustrada (entertainment), including the M. The banner, a cartoon by Carlos Latuff, sarcastically adds a glass and straw to the famous photo of Vladimir Herzog hanged after torture, with the implication that the Folha de S. Paulo is trying to whitewash the realities of the dictatorship that killed him in 1. A leader democratically elected works from within to undermine the institutions, the checks and balances, step by step. That period is commonly referred to as . Among them were letters by Maria Victoria Benevides and F. In his letter, Comparato wrote that . As regards Professors Comparato and Benevides, well- known figures that up until today expressed no repudiation to left- wing dictatorships such as Cuba's, their 'indignation' is clearly cynical and untrue. Most of the participants were relatives of people victimized by the Brazilian dictatorship and union activists connected to labor organization CUT. On the same day, Otavio Frias Filho, Folha's editorial director, stated. It is a frivolous term, inappropriate to such grave matters. All dictatorships are equally abominable. However, from a historical standpoint, it is still a fact that the Brazilian dictatorship, however brutal, was less repressive than similar regimes in Argentina, Uruguay and Chile, or than the left- wing Cuban dictatorship. The note we printed to accompany the letters by Professors Comparato and Benevides, on February 2. In order to impeach the democratic credentials of others, those so- called democrats should first show their rejection, and with the same venom, of the methods adopted by left- wing dictatorships towards which they are partial. We have always claimed, with no need of righteous lessons from no one else, that the victims of arbitrary regimes, both here and elsewhere, deserve the same protection and respect, no matter our ideological biases or personal preferences. The episode was supposedly closed, but Professors Comparato e Benevides are intent on extracting the maximum gain from it. Their opinions were always depicted faithfully by the newspaper, through several articles, with no need of lawyer intervention. The 'response' above was printed based on Act 5,2. Record had already attacked Folha for news reports that pointed at the church's business activities and irregularities. For 1. 3 minutes, Record aired testimonials by victims of the Brazilian military dictatorship (1. The TV show also stated that . The authenticity of the police record was contested. Actually, Folha received it as part of an e- mail message. The second mistake was to consider as authentic a police record that cannot be verified, or disproven, with the information currently available.
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